Brandon A. Clifford and Mark R. Agostini PhD
Center for Historic Shipwreck Preservation, Brewster, MA
Abstract
This study presents archaeological evidence supporting the identification of a unique 18th-century shipwreck at Îlot Madame, off the coast of Sainte-Marie Island, Madagascar, as the Nossa Senhora do Cabo, a Portuguese treasure ship captured by pirates Olivier Levasseur (La Buse) and John Taylor in 1721. Drawing on over two decades of fieldwork, archival, and laboratory based studies (1999–present), this research integrates analyses of material culture, hull remains, and environmental data with primary source accounts. Artifacts recovered from the site include exported Chinese porcelain, religious artifacts of Goan origin, coinage, cowrie shells, and construction materials consistent with Portuguese East Indian design. The archaeological assemblage recovered from the site corresponds with historical descriptions of the Cabo’s cargo, route, and subsequent refit and final renaming by La Buse as the Victorieux. Our interpretation of the site as the Cabo, supported by archaeological evidence and historical accounts, overturns contradictory narratives about the fate of the vessel. For example, one account reports how the ship was wrecked at Cape Amber. Rather, our investigations align with competing recollections that instead the vessel was eventually abandoned, and likely partially burned, at Sainte-Marie. Broadly, this archaeological case study presents novel insights into piracy, global trade, and colonial power in the western Indian Ocean. Moreover, this study illustrates the utility of applying a multiscalar archaeological methodology in clarifying the historical record, particularly in the context of identifying pirate shipwreck sites that so rarely retain unequivocal diagnostic evidence (i.e., the Wydah Gally bell).
1. Introduction
Île Sainte-Marie, located off the northeast coast of Madagascar, occupies a central place in the maritime history of the western Indian Ocean. Its natural harbor, relatively protected from monsoon systems and regional currents, made it a strategic node for both legitimate trade and illicit maritime activity during the 17th and 18th centuries. Although the island had been known to Arab mariners since at least the 12th century, it was not until the so-called Golden Age of Piracy (1650–1725 CE) that Sainte-Marie emerged as a significant base of operations for European pirates, including figures such as Henry Avery, William Kidd, Christopher Condent, and Olivier Levasseur. The island’s protected anchorages, close proximity to major sea lanes, and lack of effective colonial governance rendered it an ideal hub for resupply, refitting, and the laundering of plundered goods. In this context, Sainte-Marie Island became a focal point for pirate settlement and maritime activity. The archaeological record, both terrestrial and marine, reflects the complexity and density of occupation during this period. The concentration of shipwrecks in and around the port area of Îlot Madame, a small island within the Sainte-Marie lagoon, offers an opportunity to study the maritime material culture of piracy and its entanglement with global trade networks in the Indian Ocean. The central research question of this study is as follows: To what extent do the material remains, artifacts, construction features, and site stratigraphy of a previously documented shipwreck by our international team at Îlot Madame correspond with historical records of the Nossa Senhora do Cabo, captured by pirates Olivier Levasseur and John Taylor in 1721?
Among the most dramatic episodes of the Golden Age of Piracy was the 1721 capture of the Portuguese treasure ship Nossa Senhora do Cabo by Levasseur and Taylor. This heavily armed vessel, transporting immense wealth including gold, silver, diamonds, and religious artifacts, was en route from Goa to Lisbon when it was damaged in a storm and sought refuge near Réunion Island. According to early accounts, the pirates found a large Portuguese cargo ship lying at anchor that had lost all masts and two thirds of her cannons during a storm (Lazinby 1722). Seizing the opportunity, Levasseur and Taylor took the ship with little to no resistance because the crew was both largely based on shore at the time and they thought at first sight that the two pirate ships were British Company (Downing 1738:66). The pirates divided the treasure among themselves, with Levasseur reportedly taking the famed Flaming Cross of Goa, a massive gold artifact encrusted with precious stones that took three men to carry (la Ronciere 1934, 1940). Primary records cast doubt on the existence of such an artifact, but documentary evidence does suggest the Viceroy of Goa aboard the vessel did possess a golden cross of the order, most likely hanging on a necklace. During the raid, the pirates allegedly seized it, but later returned it to him along with his gilded sword (Le Mercure 1722:64). The Nossa Senhora do Cabo was later scuttled near Madagascar, an event that has since fueled speculation about the ship’s final resting place. According to Guet (1886) and Grey (1933:327) La Buse had command of the Cabo, later renamed the Victorieux (i.e., Victorious in English), and after an unknown period of continued piracy, he eventually careened and burnt the ship probably along the coast of Saint-Marie. Sainte-Marie Island has therefore emerged as a prime candidate for what still remains archaeologically of the Nossa Senhora do Cabo.
In spite of extensive historical records describing the Nossa Senhora do Cabo’s capture and its eventual sinking, the precise location of the shipwreck has remained uncertain, sparking debate among historians and archaeologists alike. The discovery of a shipwreck site at Ilôt Madame off the coast of Sainte-Marie Island offers a promising opportunity to test the veracity of historical narratives concerning the Cabo with support from the archaeological record. Underwater excavations at the site reveal a complex stratigraphy with overlapping ballast piles, structural timbers, and artifact assemblages including porcelain, glass, and metal objects. These findings suggest a multicultural cargo consistent with Indian Ocean trade vessels of the early eighteenth century. Notably, religious artifacts, precious metals, and gemstones described in historical accounts show a meaningful degree of correspondence to artifacts recovered at the archaeological shipwreck site.
2. Overview of Previous Archaeological Investigations at Îlot Madame
Beginning in 1999 and continuing until 2015, a series of coordinated archaeological fieldwork projects were conducted at Îlot Madame with a central focus of identifying and documenting submerged shipwrecks dating to the late 17th and early 18th centuries. These investigations, led by the Center for Historic Shipwreck Preservation, reflect an interdisciplinary effort by our research team to interpret the maritime cultural landscape of Sainte-Marie, an island long associated with piracy and high-value Indian Ocean trade. An early exploratory multi-year phase of fieldwork employed high-resolution sonar, cartographic correlation, and limited excavation (test pits) to assess underwater anomalies within the harbor, preliminarily identifying one wreck site as the so-called Fiery Dragon. This work revealed substantial structural components including futtocks, crossbeams, and ballast resulting in the recovery of nearly 2,000 artifacts.
In 2010, a second research phase was carried out at the underwater archaeological sites at Saint Marie. The primary goals were to obtain more evidence concerning the identity of the wrecks and to assess the degree of overlap among the site debris fields. Historical records suggest that between seven and ten shipwreck and scuttles occurred in the vicinity of Saint Marie’s Ilot Madame harbor during the Golden Age of Piracy (Clifford et al. 2017). To further investigate the nature of the sites the research team implemented a multiscalar methodology combining geophysical remote sensing survey of the harbor area, side scan sonar, sub bottom profiling, and underwater archaeological documentation and recovery of artifacts. The 2010 fieldwork contributed to the exposure of a relatively small area of the wreck site. Small test units were set up in and around the ballast mound in order to get a better understanding of the spatial relations of the artifact assemblage and to expose more of the remaining hull structure. In addition to underwater survey, a more detailed excavation was carried out to expose the remains of hull elements and, if possible, to infer the orientation and country of origin for the ship by documenting its wood species and construction methods.
A final large scale fieldwork project was launched in 2015 and expanded the methodological approach, incorporating magnetometry, sub-bottom profiling, and environmental monitoring. This phase refined earlier interpretations while emphasizing conservation, community collaboration, and minimally invasive techniques. Over this 16-year span, the research collectively established the empirical basis for interpreting the wreck as the Nossa Senhora do Cabo: a hypothesis put forth and developed further in the forthcoming sections.
3. Methods: Geophysical Survey and Subsurface Profiling
Side scan sonar imaging, corroborated by seismic profiles indicated a dense cluster of anomalies in close proximity to one another. This suggests that multiple wrecks may overlap within a confined harbor area. These include both historically known and as yet unidentified vessels, possibly dating to the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The presence of layered wreckage and redeposited materials highlights the complexity of the site formation processes at Îlot Madame, where natural sedimentation, coral growth, and storm action contributed to both the burial and fragmentation of the wreck structural remains.
The 2015 geophysical survey of the Îlot Madame area identified at least ten major anomalies, several of which correspond to shipwrecks or structural remains submerged beneath layers of sediment and coral. Among these, Anomalies 1, 2, and 6 demonstrated particularly high archaeological potential. Anomaly 1 consists of a visible ballast pile, partially exposed at a depth of 1.70 meters, with associated wooden structural elements suggesting the presence of a hull. Anomaly 2 revealed a distinct sedimentary layer containing articulated wooden timbers and iron fastenings, consistent with a shipwreck partially buried under accreted layers of coral and marine sediment. Anomaly 3, identified beneath the apparent footprint of Anomaly 1, may represent an older wreck or stratigraphic disturbance from earlier maritime activity. Additional fieldwork is required to parse the true nature of these anomalies, but they variously support the primary source record of numerous vessels having been intentionally sunk in and around the harbor during the Golden Age of Piracy by now legendary historical figures of the period.
Site vulnerability and preservation concerns also emerged as a key concern. The shipwreck sites face environmental degradation due to natural and cultural factors, in which the wreck lay in relatively shallow waters within active shipping lanes. The mixing of fresh and saltwater in the lagoon, coupled with shallow depths and variable sedimentation, creates conditions conducive to both physical abrasion and chemical deterioration. The full stratigraphy of the sea floor remains unclear, complicating interpretations and preservation efforts. Therefore, methodologically, each field season the site was restored to its original state by re-covering hull remains with ballast stones. Artifacts were also returned to the site if and when the field conservation laboratory could not accommodate space or implement the proper stabilization procedures.
4. Results: Artifact Assemblage and Archaeological Data
The cumulative archaeological data recovered from the Îlot Madame site across the 1999–2015 field seasons amounts to an archaeological assemblage consistent with an early 18th-century Portuguese East Indiaman. A total of over 3,300 catalogued objects and fragments were recovered during the fieldwork projects. Excavations reveal a diverse and concentrated assemblage indicative of a high-status vessel engaged in long-distance trade likely associated with Goa and other areas of the Indian Ocean trade economy as evidenced by religious artifacts and Mughal period glazed pottery, notable for their fine clay, deep cobalt and green glaze, and incised decoration.
The artifact distribution reveals a cargo of both economic and symbolic value: Chinese export porcelain, Indo-Portuguese religious sculpture, Mughal-period ceramics, European coinage, East African cowries, and exotic spices. Together with the structural timber evidence, these materials provide a robust material profile of a ship engaged in transoceanic trade with sacred and diplomatic associations; characteristics strongly aligned with historical records of the Nossa Senhora do Cabo.
While armaments were not the focus of the excavation phases described, preliminary surveys did report the presence of cannon and cannon fragments at or near the main wreck site. At least one large-caliber barrel was identified, although heavily concreted. The possibility remains that this weaponry could reflect either original shipboard defense (typical of Portuguese East Indiamen) or additions by Levasseur and Taylor’s pirate crews post-capture. If confirmed as original to the vessel, the presence of large-caliber cannon (in conjunction with heavy timbers and high-value cargo) would support the identification of the wreck as a protected merchantman—matching descriptions of the Cabo as a “great ship” of state and value. Further metallurgical and typological analysis is required to determine manufacture origin, bore diameter, and potential matches to known Portuguese or pirate-configured artillery.
Several classes of artifacts recovered during fieldwork are particularly significant in supporting the identification of the wreck as the Nossa Senhora do Cabo. Among the most diagnostic artifacts are those of overt religious character. One particularly diagnostic artifact pointing to a Portuguese vessel with religious figures on board is a small rectangular piece of ivory incised with the letters “INRI” (Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum), the Latin inscription traditionally placed above Christ on crucifixes. Measuring 44 mm × 14 mm × 2 mm, the plaque bears remnants of gold gilding within the engraved letters, suggesting it once formed part of an elaborately crafted crucifix. Although detached from any surviving body, its presence strongly implies the transport of sacred ecclesiastical materials.
5. The Case for the Cabo: A Synthesis of Archaeological Material Culture and Historical Accounts
Marine archaeological evidence amassed from several field seasons over a fifteen year period at the wreck site at Saint Marie Island, Madagascar along with primary source accounts of piratical activity build a strong case for the identification of the ship as the remains of Oliver Levasseur’s the Nossa Senhora do Cabo. Historical records reveal that after arriving in Anjouan, the notorious pirate captain Olivier Lavasseur, commonly known as La Buse, allied with a fellow pirate named John Taylor, who offered him command of the ship Victory. Two months later, the two set sail for Reunion Island. On the morning of April 20, 1721, they spotted a prize ship – the Portuguese Nossa Senhora do Cabo anchored at Saint-Denis. Originally built as a Dutch man-of-war, the 72 gun vessel was stranded for three weeks due to storm damage incurred en route from Goa on the southwestern coast of India.The pirates seized a staggering amount of treasure, which in the annals of history would become one of the richest pirate heists.
Gold and silver bars, coins, silks, religious artifacts, and an extraordinary array of precious stones (110 diamonds, 250 emeralds, 20 rubies, 20 sapphires) are recorded as having been taken from the ship’s cargo. Primary sources also suggest that in addition to the valuables seized by La Buse and Taylor, a considerable number of slaves were aboard the vessel when it was taken by the pirates. Within the intermediate deck of the Cabo were more than 200 hundred enslaved people taken in Mozambique and slated to be sold in Madagascar (Lazinby 1722; Johnson 1726). The presence of the enslaved aboard the ship is further substantiated by the report of the Portuguese Viceroy (Le Mercure 1722). The nature of the capture of the vessel by the pirates therefore oscillates in historical accounts between little to no resistance and a short battle. In the latter case, it is reported that about 60 enslaved people died when the Cabo was taken (Dahlke 2024:7).
After securing the loot and disarming the prisoners, among whom were Count Ericeira and the former Viceroy of Portuguese India, the pirates took the Nossa Senhora do Cabo in tow to Saint Marie. There, La Buse careened and refitted the ship, removing part of a bridge to improve speed and reducing its cannon to 60 guns. He also renamed the vessel Victorieux. Many of the crew, now wealthy, settled on the island. Indeed, the Blacon Deposition of 1698 asserts “Those that used the place [Saint Marie Island] had built a little Stockado Fort with guns in it…In that fort they had warehouses where they kept their goods.” Given the abundant resources and infrastructure in place, refitting the Cabo locally by La Buse was very likely the case. However, tensions arose when Taylor proposed a bold and risky assault on the Portuguese settlement of Mozambique, a prize worth 100 ships in Taylor’s eyes. La Buse opposed such a risky and ill conceived plan, and word of his intentions to leave along with some of his officers and crew leaked. In retaliation, Taylor confiscated La Buse’s possessions. The two pirate captains thereafter split ways. La Buse, was still left in command of the Victorieux, and so prepared to cruise the Indian Ocean with all those aboard that desired to remain in Madagascar.
Upon reaching Saint Marie, some 140 English and or American men joined ranks aboard a ship called the Cassandra. Those remaining aboard the Victorieux went ashore after burning their ship, which was very likely one of the four or five large ships seen by Captain Reddish, of the Lion, lying sunk in the harbor (Downing 1722). Reddish states of Saint Marie that he and his squadron “found it had been a place of resort for the pyrates for many years…only two ships length within the first island, which is called Pyrates Island, where there are four wrecks lie sunk, being first burnt down to the lower decks” (Downing 1722:60).
The identification of the shipwreck at Îlot Madame as the Nossa Senhora do Cabo, later known as the Victorieux, requires the integration of diverse complementary evidence: artifact assemblages, construction features, environmental context, and primary source accounts. Taken independently, none of these lines of evidence is conclusive. Taken together, however, they present a coherent, persuasive case. Primary source narratives, particularly from Van den Boogaerde (2009), provide an unusually detailed account of the Cabo’s capture by Olivier Levasseur and John Taylor in April 1721 at Réunion Island. Described as a massive 72-gun former Dutch man-of-war turned Portuguese treasure ship, she was heavily laden with diplomatic, religious, and economic cargo en route from Goa to Lisbon. The capture netted an extraordinary bounty: sacred vessels,a purported Goa cross, hundreds of precious stones, and other elite material goods. After her seizure, the ship was towed to Sainte-Marie Island, where she was careened, refitted, and renamed the Victorieux. Crucially, the pirates reportedly “ripped up half a bridge to make her faster,” and reduced her armament to 60 guns.
The archaeological record at Îlot Madame now strongly corresponds with this account. The artifact assemblage includes an exceptional concentration of Chinese porcelain (76.6% of 2010 finds), devotional ivory and wooden figures, gold and trade coinage, and large caches of cowrie shells and nutmeg. These objects not only align with luxury trade cargo of the Indian Ocean but also with the Goa-to-Europe route. The discovery of the “INRI” ivory piece, a Madonna statue, a partial crucifix. These catholic artifacts may tentatively be linked to Goan Christian iconography, and therefore speak to the ship’s Portuguese Catholic origin. The Goan piece, likely crafted by Indo-Portuguese artisans using local ivory, aligns with known devotional art forms circulated via the Estado da Índia trade system. Indeed, comparable examples appear in the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga in Lisbon and in Jesuit mission collections from Macau and Goa. These devotional artifacts, often carried by high-ranking clergy or nobility, strongly align with the undisputed historical accounts that the Nossa Senhora do Cabo was transporting the former Viceroy of Goa and the Archbishop at the time of capture.
Complementing this interpretation is a numismatic assemblage of 13 gold coins, including Dutch, Austrian, and Islamic examples, with discernable mint dates ranging from 1649 to 1718, recovered during the 2000 and 2010 field seasons. The absence of coins dated later than 1718 suggests a tentative terminal date for the site’s deposition. This date range aligns closely with the final operational period of the Nossa Senhora do Cabo, supporting the identification of the wreck.
The presence of Chinese export porcelain at the site, with over 1,500 pieces from the 2010 season alone, and largely from Jingdezhen, further supports the idea of a ship engaged in long-distance, high-value trade. The motifs (floral, vegetal, double-headed eagle) are stylistically consistent with early 18th-century Qing production destined for elite European markets. The ceramic assemblage clustering in the mid-lower stratigraphic layers, and relatively intact condition, suggest that these were part of an intact cargo at the time of loss and not secondary deposit. We also tentatively identify several pottery sherds in the assemblage as of Mughal origin, which carries even further implications for linking the site to the Cabo. Pirates operating from Sainte-Marie Island targeted richly laden Mughal ships traveling between India, Mocha, and Jeddah, which were part of the pilgrimage route to Mecca. These ships carried valuable cargo, including gold, spices, and religious artifacts. Pirates such as William Condon and Olivier Levasseur are known to have captured Mughal ships, including a 500-ton Hajji ship near Mumbai in 1720.
The presence of cowrie shells (~500 recovered) and almond-like seeds (~500, identified as nutmeg) further situates the ship within Indo-African trading circuits. Cowries were widely used as currency along the East African coast and in the slave trade, while nutmeg was a high-value export from the East Indies. Their preservation in the wreck’s lower sediment layers also suggests cargo integrity, further strengthening the case that this was a heavily laden, actively trading vessel at the time of loss.
Construction-Based Evidence and Wood Analysis
Excavations conducted in 2010 and 2015 documented futtocks, crossbeams, and timber joints indicative of robust, ocean-worthy hull construction. The identification of four pairs of double futtocks is particularly notable, suggesting a large-capacity vessel, possibly modified or reinforced for long-distance travel and heavy cargo. Taken together, these features are consistent with Portuguese East Indiaman design conventions. This interpretation is further supported by the wreck’s seismic profile, which extends over 30 meters. The dimensions of an 18th century Portuguese galleon, on average, measured approximately 30 meters (100 feet) long and 10 meters (33 feet) wide, which further reinforces the identification of the site as being consistent with the Nossa Senhora do Cabo.
Sixteen wooden fragments were recovered in 2015 and returned to the site following documentation. Though species identification is pending, full dendrological analysis may not be feasible given that teak is notoriously difficult to date due to its non uniform tree-ring growth pattern. However, preliminary observations suggest a mix of hardwoods: teak, oak, or other durable species often used in Portuguese shipbuilding in Goa. Additional construction materials include copper-alloy nails with round heads and square shafts, a fastener type common in European shipbuilding during this period.
Together, these structural remains support the hypothesis that the wreck belonged to a large, transoceanic vessel, and they align with known Portuguese construction practices employed in Asia. Timber construction features, such as the double futtocks, broad keel timbers, and use of copper-alloy fastenings, are consistent with shipbuilding techniques seen in Indo-Portuguese vessels of the late 17th and early 18th centuries. Though full dendrological analysis is pending, preliminary field identifications suggest the use of teak or similar tropical hardwoods sourced from Indian shipyards, as was standard for large vessels departing from Goa. The presence of square-shafted fastenings with round heads parallels those recovered from the Nossa Senhora dos Mártires wreck off Lisbon (sunk 1606), while the ship’s apparent size and layout resemble reconstructions of Flor do Mar and Bom Jesus. These technical markers add support to an argument that this was a Portuguese vessel and modified post-capture while retaining its original structural identity.
6. Conclusions
Historical accounts of the capture of the Nossa Senhora do Cabo in 1721 describe a heavily laden vessel, carrying religious cargo, valuables, and high-end trade goods en route from Goa to Lisbon. The artifact assemblage recovered at Îlot Madame strongly correlates with this description. The abundance of porcelain, catholic religious artifacts, and gold trade coinage reflects a ship deeply embedded in Indo-Atlantic exchange networks. Moreover, the presence of artifacts bearing Catholic iconography, unique among known pirate vessels in the region, suggests that this was not a typical pirate ship but rather a vessel captured by pirates. This distinction is crucial, as it situates the wreck not merely as a pirate-operated craft, but as a seized prize, temporarily operated or scuttled by figures such as Olivier Levasseur and John Taylor. The presence of devotional statuary, in particular, would be incongruent with the cargo of many non-Portuguese vessels of the time in this area of the world. If this identification holds, as we the authors make and stand by our argument for the site being none other than the Cabo, then the implications are substantial. This would represent a unique archaeologically confirmed pirate-captured treasure ship from the Golden Age of Piracy, and a rare case where religious cargo from the Portuguese Empire that is physically documented in the Indian Ocean, aided in such an identification.
While the archaeological record strongly supports identification of the wreck as the Nossa Senhora do Cabo, limitations remain. No definitive hull inscriptions, armament engravings, or nameplates have been recovered. Environmental disturbance and overlapping wreck features introduce some ambiguity, and full species identification of timber remains is still pending. Future work should test three hypotheses: (1) that the bridge modification described in 1721 left identifiable structural traces (2) that timber origins match a combination of shipyard and refitting locations that correlate with what is known of the Cabo’s history and (3) that additional sacred objects recovered from Îlot Madame can be matched to church inventories on Bourbon Island or Réunion. These avenues would not only further confirm the ship’s identity but illuminate the networks of piracy, religion, and resistance operating in the early 18th-century western Indian Ocean.
Acknowledgments
The authors gratefully acknowledge the Republic of Madagascar and the local community of Île Sainte-Marie for their support and collaboration during the fieldwork seasons from 1999 to 2015. We extend special thanks to Barry Clifford for his leadership in the field, for conceiving the idea of this exploratory work, and for initiating the research projects; to Ken Kinkor for his invaluable and original contributions to the historical research; and to the dedicated field and survey teams for their meticulous documentation and conservation efforts. We also wish to thank Dr. Claudio Lorenzo of the University of Huelva, who served as chief archaeologist during the 2015 field season, and Dr. Sean Kingsley, whose insightful feedback greatly enhanced this manuscript.
References
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